During the 2020 General Assembly session in March, the Democratic majority passed the legislation addressing the means of which statewide redistricting will be determined. Redistricting has traditionally been a product of the State Legislature every ten years following the Census Report that evaluates the distribution and changes of population. Not only is this significant to the legislature but also the level of representation a state will send as a delegation to the House of Representatives in Congress.
Virginia currently has an 11 member Congressional Delegation. There is not data thus far to support that following the 2020 Census that that number will change. Virginia currently has 8.5 million residents The 2010 Census reported a population of 8,001,024 Virginians. Other states like New York , California, Illinois, Ohio, Pennsylvania for example are predicted to actually lose at least one seat in Congress due to population changes while Texas and Florida are poised to gain one. This is important politically for both parties.
In Virginia however, the immediate impact will be redistricting existing districts both relating to the Legislature and Congress.
The power to "gerrymander" is an old game and one played by both parties historically. Gerrymandering refers to the manner in which the majority draws new lines of districts to benefit them politically. If you examine some of these districts they are hardly uniform. They are drawn less on basis of the population of a geographic area and more by using the historical voting metrics of local precincts. The majority always claims such redraws are done to address disenfranchisement however that appears less the case when you examine the history of them. It is more a matter of political metrics given various pockets of areas. This is easily illustrated in the manner in which all these districts appear simply by examining them in map form.
The Democratic majority largely flip flopped from 2018 to 2020 on the issue of removing the legislative redistricting and placing it in the hands of an independent (more or less) commission. Democrats supported a commission while in the minority yet after the 2019 election cycle that saw Democrats take control of both chambers of government in the legislature changed their position. During the 2020 legislative session only nine Democrats supported the amendment joining 45 Republicans in the House of Delegates. After championing the commission in previous years, the Virginia Black Caucus appeared to do a complete about face on the issue claiming that a commission would suppress black political power.
The previous year during the 2019 General Assembly Session that exact same bill passed 83-15 in the House of Delegates with support of majority of the Black Caucus. So what changed? What changed was a power shift in government and the securing of the "trifecta" of controlling both chambers in the Capitol and the Executive led by Governor Ralph Northam (D).
For Virginians what is clearly on display here is a lesson in Politics 101. Democrats once securing power no longer wanted Virginians themselves to play a role in determining how redistricting would take place and under whose direction. They did so only when they were out of power.
The amendment to the Virginia State Constitution calls for a sixteen member bipartisan commission of which eight would still remain state legislators comprising members of both chambers as well as eight citizens. If the commission ever were to be unable to decide on an plan than ultimately the Virginia Supreme Court would decide the outcome. This is something opponents to the measure like Del. Mark Levine (D) highlighted last year in his opposition given the court in his view is overwhelming stacked with conservative appointed judges.
Virginia Democrats for years have crafted messaging that the courts are not to be trusted. One could argue that Democrats have attacked every major institution in Virginia in truth. The recent protesting and riots seem to illustrate this point. If the judicial system can not be trusted to remain objective in this process than who would the Democrats suggest have that power? Well, their legislative majority of course.
Will voters support the amendment referendum in November? Many suspect that Virginia will support this measure. There have been many groups and organizations like One Virginia 2021 that have been strong advocates for the measure.
Redistricting itself will happen one way or another. The Republicans face the fact that many of its stronger districts especially in the Senate very well may get redrawn, especially many of those that have been staunch supporters of President Trump.
One such Senate district is the Virginia 11th. Long a solid "red" district in Chesterfield County, Virginia and represented by potential gubernatorial candidate State Senator Amanda Freeman Chase has experienced a massive shift that has largely gone unreported by the media. Not unlike other districts in Chesterfield where the strength of the GOP brand is declining.
If the change in voting metrics is examined over the course of the last decade or so the shift is massive. The Virginia Senate hold elections every four years. Here are the winning percentage in the Virginia 11th since 2003.
2003- 97.27 (Steve Martin)
2007- 62.41 (Steve Martin)
2011- 94.7% (Steve Martin)
2015- 63.74% (Amanda Chase) -Chase defeated Martin in primary than won General
2019- 54.51% (Amanda Chase)
The most alarming metric in the voting data is that Senator Chase won in 2015 with a 27 point margin in 2015 and four years later saw that margin decline 18 points to +9 winning with 54.51%.
Many have speculated that this data is one of the major factors that Senator Chase has declared her candidacy to run for Governor in 2021. There were rumors Chase would seek the GOP nomination in the Virginia Congressional District but declined to run given that the district determined to hold a "convention method" over a primary. Chase has stated she knows the district (VA7) better than anyone given her participation on the Rep. David Brat (R) campaign who defeated Rep.Eric Cantor (R) in a primary and ultimately went to Congress. Brat would lose his re-election bid in 2018.
The changing demographics of the Virginia 11th, especially in the Chesterfield portion of the district are moving away from the the base that Chase has held. While the county is still lead by a Republican Board of Supervisors, the board and the local Republican committee do not appear to support Senator Chase any longer. This poses a real challenge for Chase in 2023. The metrics are going the opposite direction just as the GOP has witnessed in the Virginia 10th adjacent to the Virginia 11th that the GOP lost in 2019.
Chase is one politician to watch over the course of the coming year. Chase has stated she would run as an independent if she did not secure the GOP nomination but the real thing to watch for is Chase has always had any eye on Congress. If Delegate Nick Freitas (R) nominated last month to represent the GOP on the ballot this November in the Virginia 7th Congressional District does not defeat Rep. Abigail Spanberger (D) do not be shocked if Chase transitions to a 2022 Congressional bid unless of course Chase herself become victim to any redistricting that may occur.
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